Tuesday, October 30, 2007

John A. Robertson
John A. Robertson holds the Vinson and Elkins Chair at The University of Texas School of Law. He has written and lectured widely on law and bioethical issues.
Robertson is the author of two books on bioethics, The Rights of the Critically Ill and Children of Choice: Freedom and the New Reproductive Technologies, and numerous articles on reproductive rights, genetics, organ transplantation, and human experimentation.
He has served on or been a consultant to many national bioethics advisory bodies, and is currently Chair of the Ethics Committee of the American Society for Reproductive Medicine.

Monday, October 29, 2007

Jacob "Jake" Eddie Peavy, (born May 31, 1981, in Mobile, Alabama, USA) is a starting pitcher in Major League Baseball who plays for the San Diego Padres. He bats and throws right handed.
Peavy stands 6'1" tall (1.85 m) and weighs 182 pounds (82.72 kg).

San Diego Padres (2002-present) Jake Peavy Career in baseball

List of Major League Baseball ERA champions
List of Major League Baseball strikeout champions

Sunday, October 28, 2007

Main articles Home Rule Repeal Irish nationalism Parties & Organisations All-for-Ireland League Ancient Order of Hibernians Catholic Association Cumann na nGaedhael Fianna Fáil Fine Gael Home Rule League Irish Land Acts Irish National Federation Irish National Land League Irish National Volunteers Irish Parliamentary Party National Centre Party Nationalist Party (Northern Ireland) Nationalist Party (Ireland) Repeal Association Sinn Féin SDLP United Irish League
Documents & Ideas Anglo-Irish Agreement Anglo-Irish Treaty Belfast Agreement Catholic Emancipation Saorstát Constitution Constitution of 1782 Dáil Constitution Dual Monarchy External Relations Act Home Rule Act 1914 Home Rule Act 1920 Irish Convention Republic of Ireland Act ... on De-Anglicising Ireland Resurrection of Hungary Newspapers Evening Herald Evening Mail Evening TelegraphIrish Nationalists Freeman's Journal Irish Independent Irish Press Sunday Independent The Irish News The Irish Times Songs A Nation Once Again God Save Ireland The Harp that Once
Cultural Abbey Theatre Ancient Order of Hibernians Gaelic League GAA Irish Ireland Other movements & links Loyalism {{IrishL}} Monarchism {{IrishM}} Republicanism {{IrishR}} Unionism {{IrishU}} Irish nationalism refers to political and sociological movements and sentiment that embodies a love for Irish culture and language and a sense of pride in the island of Ireland. It also refers to a desire for greater autonomy or independence of Ireland from Great Britain after Britain annexed Ireland in 1801. Today in Northern Ireland, which still remains under British rule (unlike the fully independent Republic of Ireland), the nationalist position is often contrasted with that of Unionists. Irish nationalism, today in Northern Ireland, is largely associated with the Roman Catholic community in Northern Ireland. However, over recent centuries, Irish Nationalism included many prominent Irish Protestants who were just as patriotic as many Catholics.

Ireland has been subject to varying degrees of rule from England since the late 12th century (See Norman Ireland). The Gaelic Irish resisted this conquest through military and other means, but were organised in small independent lordships and did not have a common political goal such as an independent Irish state. Conflict over the English presence was exacerbated by the Protestant Reformation in England, which introduced a religious element to the 16th century Tudor re-conquest of Ireland, as almost all of the native Irish remained Catholic. Another central feature of future Anglo-Irish conflict was the dispossession of Irish Catholic landowners in the Plantations of Ireland and their replacement with a Protestant landowning class from England and Scotland. In fact, they were ethnically mixed, being composed of both Gaelic Irish and Old English Catholics. In any case, the Confederate cause was destroyed in the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland 1649-53 and the old Catholic landowning class was dispossessed permanently.
A similar Irish Catholic monarchist movement emerged in the 1680s and '90s, when Irish Catholic Jacobites supported James II after his deposition in the Glorious Revolution. The Jacobites demanded that Irish Catholics would be a majority in an autonomous Irish Parliament, that confiscated Catholic land would be restored and that the Lord Deputy of Ireland would in future be an Irishman. Similarly to the Confederates of the 1640s, the Jacobites were conscious of representing the "Irish nation", but were not separatists and largely represented the interests of the landed class as opposed to all the Irish people. Like the Confederates, they were also defeated in the Williamite war in Ireland 1689-91. Thereafter, Irish government and landholding were dominated by the largely English Protestant Ascendancy. Catholics were discriminated against under the Penal Laws. (See also Early Modern Ireland 1536-1691)
This coupling of religious and ethnic identity (Roman Catholic and Gaelic), as well as a consciousness of dispossession and defeat at the hands of British and Protestant forces came to be enduring features of Irish nationalism.

The Protestant dominated Irish Parliament of the eighteenth century repeatedly called for more autonomy from the British Parliament — particularly the repeal of Poynings Law, which allowed the latter to legislate for Ireland. Parliamentarians who wanted more self government were known as "patriots", for example Henry Grattan, who achieved substantial legislative independence in 1782-83. Grattan and radical elements of the 'Irish Whig' party campaigned in the 1790s for Catholic political equality and a reform of electoral rights. It enjoyed the support of the Catholic clergy, who had denounced the United Irishmen and reinforced the association between Irish identity and Catholicism. The Young Irelanders when members of the Repeal Association, used traditional Irish imagery such as the Harp and located his mass meetings in sites such as Tara and Clontarf which had a special resonance in Irish history.

Early nationalism — Grattan to O'Connell
In the late 19th century, Irish nationalism became the dominant ideology in Ireland, having a major Parliamentary party in the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster that launched a concerted campaign for Repeal of the Act of Union or self-government. This period also saw the emergence of militant republican movement called the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) or Fenians, with an off-shoot named Clan na Gael in the United States, founded by exiled members of the Young Irelanders.
The Great Famine of 1845-49 caused great bitterness among Irish people against the British government, which was perceived as having failed to avert the deaths of up to a million people.

Repeal Association / Young Ireland
Mass nationalist mobilisation began when Isaac Butt's Home Rule League (which had been founded in 1873 but had little following) adopted social issues in the late 1870s – especially the question of land redistribution. Republicans from Clan na Gael (who were loath to recognise the British parliament) saw this an opportunity to recruit the masses to agitate for Irish self government. This agitation, which became known as the "Land War", became very violent when Land Leaguers resisted evictions of tenant farmers by force and the British Army and Royal Irish Constabulary was used against them. This upheaval eventually resulted in the British government subsidising the sale of landlords' estates to their tenants in the Irish Land Acts architected by William O'Brien. It also provided a mass base for constitutional Irish nationalists who had founded the Home Rule League in 1873. Charles Stewart Parnell (somewhat paradoxically, a Protestant landowner) took over the Land League and used its popularity to launch the Irish National League in 1882 to campaign for Home Rule.

Land League
An important feature of Irish nationalism from the late 19th century onwards has been a commitment to Gaelic Irish culture. A broad intellectual movement, calling itself the Celtic Revival grew up in the late 19th century largely initiated by artists and writers of Protestant or Anglo-Irish background who were concerned with furthering Ireland's individual native and cultural identity. Other organisations for promotion of the Irish language or the Gaelic Revival were the Gaelic League and later Conradh na Gaeilge. The Gaelic Athletic Association was also formed in this era to promote Gaelic football, hurling and Gaelic handball at the expense of "English" sports such as association football, rugby and cricket.
Curiously, most of the Cultural nationalists were actually English speakers and their organisations had little impact in the Irish speaking areas or Gaeltachtaí, where the language continued to decline. However, these organisations attracted large memberships and were the starting point for many radical Irish nationalists of the early twentieth century.

Cultural nationalism
Although Parnell and some other Home Rulers, such as Isaac Butt, were Protestants, Parnell's party was overwhelmingly Catholic. At local branch level, Catholic priests were an important part of it organisation. Home Rule was opposed by Unionists (those who supported the Union with Britain), mostly Protestant and from Ulster under the slogan, "Home Rule is Rome Rule".
At the time, some politicians and members of the British public would have seen this movement as radical and militant. Detractors quoted Charles Stewart Parnell's Cincinnati speech in which he claimed to be collecting money for "bread and lead". He was sworn into the secret Irish Republican Brotherhood in May 1882. However, the fact that he chose to stay in Westminster following the expulsion of 29 Irish MPs (when those in the Clan expected an exodus of nationalist MPs from Westminster to set up a provisional government in Dublin) and his failure to support the 1887 plan of campaign (a militant agrarian programme once launched by Michael Davitt who later renounced any form of militant violence), mark him off as an essentially constitutional politician, though not averse to using militant movements as a means of putting pressure on parliament.

Home Rule beginnings
The first decade of the twentieth century saw considerable advancement in rural economic and social development in Ireland where 60% of the population lived. changing the face of rural Ireland. The combination of land reform and devolved local government gave Irish nationalists an economic political base on which to base their demands for self-government.
A new source of radical Irish nationalism developed in the cities in the same period. In 1896, James Connolly, founded the Irish Socialist Republican Party in Dublin. Connolly's party was small and unsuccessful in elections, but his fusion of socialism and Irish republicanism was to have a sustained impact on republican thought. In 1913, during the general strike known as the Dublin Lockout, Connolly and James Larkin formed a workers militia, the Irish Citizen Army, to defend strikers from the police. While initially a purely defensive body, under Connolly's leadership, the ICA became a revolutionary body, dedicated to an independent Workers Republic in Ireland. After the outbreak of the First World War, Connolly became determined to launch an insurrection to this end.

Transformation of rural Ireland
Home Rule was eventually won by John Redmond and the Irish Parliamentary Party and granted under the Third Home Rule Act 1914. However, Irish self-government was limited by the prospect of partition of Ireland between north and south. This idea had first been mooted under the Second Home Rule Bill in 1894. In 1912, following the entry of the Third Home Rule Bill through the House of Commons, unionists organised mass resistance to its implementation, organising around the "Ulster Covenant". In 1913 they formed the Ulster Volunteers, an armed wing of Ulster Unionism and the sectarian Orange Order who stated that they would resist Home Rule by force. British Conservatives supported this stance and Randolph Churchill coined the slogan, "Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right". In addition, British officers based the Curragh indicated that they would be unwilling to act against the UVF should they be ordered to.
In response, Nationalists formed their own paramilitary group, the Irish Volunteers, to ensure the implementation of Home Rule. It looked for several months in 1914 as if civil war was imminent between the two armed factions. Only the All-for-Ireland League party advocated granting every conceivable concession to Ulster to stave off a partition amendment. Redmond rejected their proposals. The amended Home Rule Act was passed and placed with Royal Assent on the statute books, but was suspended after the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, until the end of the war. This led radical republican groups to argue that Irish independence could never be won peacefully and gave the northern question little thought at all.

The Home Rule crisis 1912-14
The Irish Volunteer movement was split over the attitude of their leadership to the First World War. The majority followed John Redmond in supporting the British and Allied war effort, seeing it as the only option to ensure the enactment of Home Rule after the war, Redmond saying "you will return as an armed army capable of confronting Ulster's opposition to Home Rule". They split off and formed the Irish National Volunteers, and were among the 180,000 Irishmen who served in the two Irish 10th and 16th divisions of the New British Army formed for the War.
A minority, mostly led by members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), refused to support the War and kept their arms to guarantee the passage of Home Rule. Within this grouping, another faction planned an insurrection against British rule in Ireland, while the War was going on. The Armistice ended the war in November followed by elections.

The First World War and the Easter Rising
In the General election of 1918, Sinn Féin won 73 seats, 25 of these unopposed, or statistically nearly 70% of Irish representation on a "first past the post" voting system, achieving 47,5% of votes cast, but a minority representation in Ulster. They polled a total of 485,105 votes, compared to 236,393 votes polled by the IPP,

Militant separatism and Irish independence
Meanwhile the British tried to solve the conflict on the basis of Home Rule with the introduction of a Fourth Home Rule Act. This was largely dictated by Unionist leader Sir Edward Carson and simplified by Sinn Féin's abstentionism from Westminster. Carson secured Home Rule for six Ulster counties as Northern Ireland, and Lloyd George also granted Home Rule for 26 of Ireland's 32 counties as Southern Ireland under the Government of Ireland Act, 1920. However this settlement of limited self government was no longer acceptable to Irish nationalists, who believed themselves to be the legitimately elected government of an independent all-Ireland Irish Republic. Following the elections of May 1921 the parliament of Northern Ireland first sat on 7 June.
The 1920 Act allowed for a Council of Ireland that would enable cross-border links to be established, with a target of island-unity after 50 years (1971).
The fighting in the South was ended on 11 July 1921 with a truce between the IRA and British forces. A political settlement between the Dáil and the British was reached in the Anglo-Irish Treaty, signed in December 1921 after months of negotiations, but violence in the North continued. The Treaty offered "Southern Ireland" considerably more independence than was on offer in Home Rule, for instance, control over its own armed forces and police, control over taxation and fiscal policy, a flag and the evacuation of British troops out its territory. It would remain linked as a dominion under the British Crown within the British Commonwealth. The formula used for this was the 'Crown-in-Ireland, acknowledging the democratic will but retaining a powerless sovereign in London. The Sinn Féin signatories of the treaty conceded the abolition of the Irish Republic declared in 1919 and confirmed the partition of the island into the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland.
The Second Dáil ratified the treaty on 7 January 1922 and the subsequent general election on 16 June endorsed their majority decision, the results of the elections: pro-Treaty Sinn Féin 58 seats, anti-Treaty Sinn Féin 36, Labour 17, Farmer's Party 7 and Independents 10, or 239,195 votes for pro-Treaty candidates, anti-Treaty 132,161 votes and others 247,082. But this was not acceptable to many republicans. They argued that the electorate only accepted the Treaty as a result of the British threat of an escalating war if they did not. At the time of the Treaty, the main issue dividing Irish nationalists was whether the new Irish Free State would be fully sovereign. Anti-Treaty partisans argued that it could never be but Michael Collins, who had led the team that signed the Treaty, argued that the it gave Ireland the opportunity to create a fully independent state. Significantly, while the majority of the Dáil cabinet were in favour of the Treaty, its president Eamon de Valera and two ministers, Cathal Brugha and Austin Stack were opposed and resigned in protest.
The Partition of Ireland was not the major dividing issue arising out of the Treaty, for three reasons. Firstly, the Treaty created a Boundary Commission that would determine the border with Northern Ireland by 1925. It was widely believed among nationalists that this would cede large parts of Northern Ireland to the Free State. Secondly, the IRA, both pro- and anti-treaty factions, organised by Michael Collins, was already organising clandestine military operations against the Northern state by early 1922. Thirdly, the Northern Irish government and parliament had been functioning already for six months.
Collins tried to negotiate a compromise between the pro- and anti-treaty factions, for example proposing a constitution with no mention of the British King, but any changes to the Treaty were vetoed by the British as it had just been negotiated in good faith. The IRA Executive disavowed the authority of the Dáil in April 1922, claiming it had broken its oath to defend the Irish Republic. In July 1922, under pressure from the British to deal with armed anti-treaty IRA units who had occupied public buildings in Dublin, Collins attacked the dissident IRA units. The Irish Civil War then broke out between the newly recruited Free State Force (composed of a of pro-treaty Irish Republican Army members and many new recruits, including thousands of Irish veterans of the First World War), and those IRA members (a substantial majority of that organisation) led by Liam Lynch who did not accept the Treaty. The Anti-Treaty side were supported by Eamon de Valera, former president of the Republic. The Free State government ended the anti-treaty republican resistance by May 1923, when the Anti-Treaty side called a ceasefire. The civil war cost more lives than the war against the British and the atrocities committed by both sides created a deep well of bitterness within Irish nationalist politics. Another effect of the Civil War was to confirm the partition of Ireland, as the divided and distracted IRA had to cease its operation against Northern Ireland along the border. In addition, after Michael Collins' death in August 1922, at the hands of Anti-Treaty fighters, the Free State quietly dropped his aggressive policies towards the Northern state.

Dividing Ireland
The Civil War caused a permanent split in Irish nationalism. In many ways, this represented the continuation of the division that had always existed between conservative Catholic nationalists and radical Republicans. The Free State position was represented by Cumann na nGaedheal (later re-named Fine Gael). The Free State, in its early years was intensely conservative in social and economic spheres and fearful of republican subversion. Government deicsions were heavily influenced by the Catholic clergy. Up until very recent times, the Roman Catholic Church was very influential in government circles and in Irish society at large. (See also History of the Republic of Ireland)
In 1925, the Boundary Commission, set up to review the border between Northern Ireland and the Free State, compiled its report. The report was leaked to the press and its findings were shocking to nationalist Ireland. Instead of cedeing large areas of the North to the Free State, the Southern state would receive only a small part of South Armagh and Fermanagh and would lose part of eastern Donegal. To prevent this report being published, the Free State gvoernment of WT Cosgrave instead signed a treaty with the British government, recognising the border of 1921 and in return cancelling their obligation to pay part of the British national debt. In effect, this marked the effective recognition of Northern Ireland on the part of the Free State.
As a result in March 1926 Sinn Fćin voted to continue abstentionism from the Däil , Eamon de Valera resigning as its leader, in May setting up a new party called Fianna Fáil out of the defeated anti-Treaty IRA and in 1927 entered parliamentary politics. Up until the late 1930s, street violence between pro and anti treaty groups was still common, especially between the pro Free State Blueshirts and the IRA. The remnants of the IRA considered themselves to be the only rightful inheritors of the Irish Republic of 1919 - still in their eyes existing in opposition to the British imposed Free State. After the creation of a mainstream republican party in Fianna Fáil, they had little support. They launched a bombing campaign in England in the 1940s and a guerrilla campaign against Northern Ireland in the 1950s. Both were failures.
The Free State was, on all sides, intensely nationalistic. One manifestation of this was the introduction of compulsory Irish language in education and for all civil and public servants. It was the goal of all nationalists to re-introduce Irish as the spoken language of the country. However, this never achieved success and many Irish language activists argue that the language has become merely a token of Irish identity for Irish governments. In theory, after De Valera passed a new constitution in 1937, the Irish state was also committed to a United Ireland - i.e. the annexation of Northern Ireland. Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland stated that the territory of the Irish state included the entire island of Ireland. However, like the restoration of the Irish language, commitment to a United Ireland remained largely confined to rhetoric. Indeed, de Valera's government interned and executed IRA members for armed attacks on the Northern state. In 1940 de Valera was promised a unified island if he would join in the Second World War against the Axis powers, but he declined.
The Irish Free State left the British Commonwealth in 1949 and declared itself to be the Republic of Ireland.

The Free State
In Northern Ireland itself, the Catholic or nationalist community was a minority in Protestant and Unionist state. However, most northern nationalists did not support militant republicanism before The Troubles of the 1970s. In 1918, they had largely voted for the moderate Nationalist Party rather than Sinn Féin and continued to vote for moderate or constitutional nationalist party (which was, however, very different from the "Home Rule" Nationalist Party that existed until 1918) until the political turmoil of the late 1960s. The Nationalist Party began to be seen as an irrelevance after the launching of a Civil Rights campaign to end discrimination against Catholics in the late 1960s (see Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association). However, the Civil Rights agitation ran into Unionist and Ulster Volunteer Force resistance as some Unionists claimed NICRA was merely another face of the IRA and violence broke out, leading to a thirty year conflict known as the Troubles.
The IRA, which had become increasingly reformist and Marxist oriented in the late 1960s, split into the Official IRA and Provisional IRA. The "Officials" ceased armed activity in 1972. The Provisionals or "Provos" launched a guerrilla or terrorist campaign against the state of Northern Ireland, with the aim of creating a new Irish Republic that would include all 32 counties of Ireland. Their armed campaign lasted into the late 1990s. (see History of Northern Ireland).
Thereafter, northern nationalists voted mainly for the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)- a moderate nationalist and social democratic party. The SDLP, led by John Hume advocated power-sharing with Unionists within Northern Ireland. While many northern nationalists came to support the Provisional Irish Republican Army, whom they perceived as their defenders, especially in the early years of the Troubles, Sinn Féin, their political wing, did not do well in election until the 1980s. In fact, many Provisionals despised "politics" and saw their "armed struggle" as being above electoral politics. The 'struggle' also stopped new investment and tourism across the whole island, at a time of high unemployment, inflation and recession.
Sinn Féin candidates began to displace the SDLP from some nationalist constituencies after the 1981 Irish Hunger Strike. During the Hunger Strikes, the imprisoned IRA man Bobby Sands was elected to the British Parliament in the Fermanagh / South Tyrone by-election on an "Anti H-Block" platform. The turnout for the contest was 86.9 per cent and Sands obtained 30,492 votes and Harry West, the Unionist candidate, obtained 29,046 votes. A by-election was held in Fermanagh/South Tyrone to elect a Member of Parliament (MP) to Westminster to the seat that became vacant on the death of Bobby Sands. Owen Carron, who had been Sands' campaign manager, was proposed by Sinn Féin. Carron won the by-election with an increased number of votes over the total achieved by Sands. . This awakened the Sinn Féin leadership under Gerry Adams to the possible gains they could make in future elections and by an unarmed political strategy. However, it was not until 1994 that the Provisionals called off their campaign. Since the IRA ceasefire of 1994, Sinn Féin have become the largest nationalist party in the Northern Ireland. They have also won an improved share of votes in the Republic of Ireland.
In 1998, both Sinn Féin and the SDLP signed the Belfast Agreement, which instituted power sharing within a devolved government in Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin says that its long term goal is still a United Ireland. The Belfast Agreement has yet to be fully implemented.

Northern Ireland
In Northern Ireland today, nationalist is used to refer either to the Catholic population in general or the supporters of the moderate Social Democratic and Labour Party led by Mark Durkan, to distinguish them from Sinn Féin voters, known as Irish republicans. Often the term republican is applied to those who advocate the complete independence of Ireland from Great Britain and are prepared to use force to achieve it. The term nationalist is often used to refer to a more moderate political tradition, which favours an independent, united Ireland but which uses parliamentary methods and is prepared to see Northern Ireland remain part of the United Kingdom. However, from a broad point of view, these are all elements of Irish nationalism.
The parties widely recognized as representing the moderate nationalist tradition include Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the SDLP. The main party currently representing Irish republicanism is Sinn Féin.

Irish nationalism has historically been pre-occupied with Ireland's relationship with Britain. It has also been concerned with the historical oppression of Catholics, who are identified as the native Irish people, by Protestants, who are identified with the British presence in Ireland. However, the ideology of Irish nationalism and particularly Irish republicanism has always expressed the view that it is not hostile to Protestantism or Protestants in Ireland as such and that it recognises them as fellow Irishmen. Some former nationalist ideologues such as D. P. Moran or Daniel Corkery held ambivalent and exclusive views.
Today, the relevance of traditional Irish nationalist ideology mainly concerns the status of Northern Ireland, which is still part of the United Kingdom, but which has a substantial nationalist minority who would prefer to be part of united Ireland. For historical reasons outlined above, almost all nationalists in Northern Ireland are Catholics. The traditional nationalist view of Northern Ireland was that it was created artificially out of the only part of Ireland that had a Protestant and Unionist majority. According to this view, the last time that an all Ireland election happened was in 1918, when a majority of votes in Ireland went to Sinn Féin and for Irish independence. This view has been outmoded somewhat by the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, which was supported by the Irish government and both Sinn Féin and the SDLP. Moreover, it was passed by popular votes in referendums North and South. This agreement stipulates that the status of Northern Ireland cannot be changed without the expressed consent of a majority within Northern Ireland. In theory, northern nationalists are now committed to "power sharing" in Northern Ireland with unionists, with a long term goal of a united Ireland achieved with unionist consent. Some nationalists have voiced the hope that Catholics will outnumber Protestants in the coming decades, with the result that a majority inside Northern Ireland will favour a United Ireland.
In the Republic of Ireland, the idea of Irish nationalism has changed dramatically since the Free State era, particularly since the 1960s with growing prosperity signalling new economic and social priorities, as well as a changing relationship with the North. Up to 1985, extreme republicans did not recognise the legitimacy of the Irish state (an attitude that dates from the Irish Civil War) and refused to take their seats in the Dáil (Irish Parliament). However, Sinn Féin has now rejected this attitude and it is held only by the small Republican Sinn Féin party. Irish Governments have stated since the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 that they will respect the will of the people of Northern Ireland to decide its future. However, this agreement also stated that the Irish government had a legitimate role in Northern Irish poitics as "advisor". In 1998, as part of the Good Friday Agreement, articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution, which laid a territorial claim to Northern Ireland, were removed after a referendum.
Some of the divisions of the Irish Civil War are still apparent in southern Irish nationalist politics. Fine Gael, whose predecessors founded the Free State, largely view Irish independence as having been achieved, whereas Fianna Fáil the descendants of the Anti-Treaty Republicans of the Civil War, interpret the state's history somewhat differently. However, both parties aspire towards a United Ireland
Irish nationalists, on the whole, have not viewed integration into the European Union (EU) as a threat to Irish sovereignty. Several reasons can be advanced to explain this. Firstly, Ireland has been a net beneficiary of EU funds. Secondly integration into the European project has meant that Ireland is less dependent on Britain, economically and politically. A feature of nationalism in many modern European countries is a hostility to foreign immigration - for example Front National of Jean Marie Le Pen in France. At present, this is not true of Irish nationalism, despite large and rapid immigration into Ireland in recent years. Currently, no major Irish nationalist party campaigns explicitly against immigration.
This does not however mean that there is no anti-immigrant sentiment in Ireland. In 2004, Ireland revoked, in a referendum, a clause in the constitution added in 1998 that said that anyone born in Ireland was automatically an Irish citizen. The concern of the Irish government was that this was subverting the control of immigration by entitling any couple who had a child to stay in the country, regardless of their legal status. This referendum has drawn criticism from some human rights bodies, including Amnesty International as it has led to a situation where Irish citizens are being deported, with their parents, to countries where they may have no right of citizenship.

19th Century
20th century

Society of the United Irishmen
Catholic Association
Repeal Association
Young Ireland
Irish Confederation
Irish Republican Brotherhood-Fenian Brotherhood
Clan na Gael
Irish National Invincibles
Home Rule League
National League (Ireland, 1882)
Irish Parliamentary Party
Irish Land League
Sinn Féin
Irish Volunteers
National Volunteers
Irish Socialist Republican Party
Irish Citizen Army
Irish Republican Army
Cumann na nGaedhael -Fine Gael
Nationalist Party (Ireland)
Clann na Poblachta
Saor Eire
Republican Congress
People's Democracy
Provisional Irish Republican Army
Official Irish Republican Army
Social Democratic and Labour Party
The Workers Party (Ireland)
Irish Republican Socialist Party
Irish National Liberation Army
Continuity Irish Republican Army
Real Irish Republican Army
32 County Sovereignty Movement

Saturday, October 27, 2007

The voiceless palato-alveolar fricative or domed postalveolar fricative (IPA [ʃ]) is a type of consonantal sound, used in some spoken languages.
The sound occurs in many languages and, as in English, Italian and French, where it may have simultaneous lip rounding ([ʃʷ]), although this is rarely indicated.

Voiceless postalveolar fricative Features
The sound in Russian denoted by <ш> is commonly transcribed as a postalveolar fricative but is actually a laminal retroflex fricative.

Albanian: shtëpi [ʃtəpi], "house"
Arabic: [ʃɑrˤʕɪ], "legal"
Auvergnat: maissant [meˈʃɔ̃], "bad"
Basque: kaixo [kaiʃo], "hello"
Bulgarian: юнашки [junaʃki], "heroically"
Catalan: xarel-lo [ʃaˈɾeɫɫo], "muscatel grape"
Coptic: ⲁϣ [aʃ], "who"
Croatian: šuma [ʃûma], "forest"
Czech: kaše [kaʃɛ], "mash"
Dutch: sjabloon [ʃablo:n], "template" (may also be realized as [sʲablo:n])
English: sheep [ʃiːp]
Esperanto: ŝelko [ʃelko], "suspenders"
French: douche [duʃ], "shower"
Galician: viaxe [bjaʃe], "way"
Gascon: maishant [maˈʃan], "bad"
German: schraffieren [ʃʁaˈfiːʁən], "to shade"
Hungarian: segítség [ʃεgiːtʃeːg], "help"
Ilocano: siák, [ʃak], 'I'
Italian: fasce [ˈfaʃʃe], "bands"
Kabardian: шыд [ʃɛd], "donkey"
Kabyle: ciwer [ʃiwər], "to consult"
Latvian: šalle ['ʃalle], "scarf"
Limousin: son [ʃũ], "his"
Lingala: shakú [ʃakú], "Afrikan gray parrot"
Lithuanian: šarvas ['ʃarvas], "armour"
Lombard (canzés): fescia [feʃa], "nuisance"
Maltese: x'ismek [ʃismek], "what's your name?"
Norwegian (Bokmål): sky [ʃyː], "cloud"
Norwegian (Nynorsk): sjukehuset [ˈʃʉːkeˈhʉːse], "hospital"
Portuguese: cheirar [ʃejˈɾaɾ], "to smell"
Tagalog: shampu, [ʃampu], 'shampoo'
Vlax Romani: deš [deʃ], "ten"
Romanian: şefi [ʃefʲ], "bosses"
Scottish Gaelic: seinn [ʃeiɲ], "sing"
Serbian: двориште [dʋɔriʃtɛ], "garden"
Slovenian: šóla [ʃola], "school"
Somali: shan [ʃan], "five"
Spanish: Xelajú [ʃelah'u] "Xelaju" (a place in Guatemala)
Rioplatense Spanish: calle [ˈkaʃe], "street" (some speakers' dialect)
Swahili: kushoto [kuʃoto], "left"
Tunica: šíhkali [ˈʃihkali], "stone"
Turkish: güneş [gyˈneʃ], "sun"
Urdu: شکریہ [ʃʊkriːaː], "thank you"

  • Southern dialects: mis [miːʃ], "month"
    Standard Welsh siarad [ˈʃɑrad], "speak"
    Zhuang: cib [ʃǐp], "ten"

Friday, October 26, 2007

Bond market Fixed income Corporate bond Government bond Municipal bond Bond valuation High-yield debt Stock market Stock Preferred stock Common stock Stock exchange Foreign exchange market Retail forex Derivative market Credit derivative Hybrid security Options Futures Forwards Swaps Other Markets Commodity market OTC marketTechnical analysis Real estate market Spot market Finance series Financial market Financial market participants Corporate finance Personal finance Public finance Banks and Banking Financial regulation "Technical analysis is the study of market action, primarily through the use of charts, for the purpose of forecasting future price trends.".

General description
The principles of technical analysis derive from the observation of financial markets over hundreds of years.
Many more technical tools and theories have been developed and enhanced in recent decades, with an increasing emphasis on computer-assisted techniques.

Technicians say that a market's price reflects all relevant information, so their analysis looks more at "internals" than at "externals" such as news events. Price action also tends to repeat itself because investors collectively tend toward patterned behavior -- hence technicians' focus on identifiable trends and conditions.

Principles of technical analysis
Based on the premise that all relevant information is already reflected by prices, technical analysts believe it is redundant to do fundamental analysis -- they say news and news events do not significantly influence price, and cite supporting research such as the study by Cutler, Poterba, and Summers titled "What Moves Stock Prices?"
On most of the sizable return days [large market moves]…the information that the press cites as the cause of the market move is not particularly important. Press reports on adjacent days also fail to reveal any convincing accounts of why future profits or discount rates might have changed. Our inability to identify the fundamental shocks that accounted for these significant market moves is difficult to reconcile with the view that such shocks account for most of the variation in stock returns.

Market action discounts everything
See also: Market trends
Technical analysts believe that prices trend. Technicians say that markets trend up, down, or sideways (flat). This basic definition of price trends is the one put forward by Dow Theory. In other words, each time the stock edged lower, it fell below its previous relative low price. Each time the stock moved higher, it could not reach the level of its previous relative high price.
Note that the sequence of lower lows and lower highs did not begin until August. Then AOL makes a low price that doesn't pierce the relative low set earlier in the month. Later in the same month, the stock makes a relative high equal to the most recent relative high. In this a technician sees strong indications that the down trend is at least pausing and possibly ending, and would likely stop actively selling the stock at that point.

Prices move in trends
Technical analysts believe that investors collectively repeat the behavior of the investors that preceded them. "Everyone wants in on the next Microsoft," "If this stock ever gets to $50 again, I will buy it," "This company's technology will revolutionize its industry, therefore this stock will skyrocket" -- these are all examples of investor sentiment repeating itself. To a technician, the emotions in the market may be irrational, but they exist. Because investor behavior does repeat itself so often, technicians believe that recognizable (and predictable) price patterns will develop on a chart.
Technical analysis is not limited to charting, yet is always concerned with price trends. For example, many technicians monitor surveys of investor sentiment. These surveys gauge the attitude of market participants, specifically whether they are bearish or bullish. Technicians use these surveys to help determine whether a trend will continue or if a reversal could develop; they are most likely to anticipate a change when the surveys report extreme investor sentiment. Surveys that show overwhelming bullishness, for example, are evidence that an uptrend may reverse -- the premise being that if most investors are bullish they have already bought the market (anticipating higher prices). And because most investors are bullish and invested, one assumes that few buyers remain. This leaves more potential sellers than buyers, despite the bullish sentiment. This suggests that prices will trend down, and is an example of contrarian trading.

History tends to repeat itself
The Wall Street Journal Europe states "Whether technical analysis is really useful ... is a matter of some dispute on Wall Street. Some investors believe that it is impossible to forecast the market's ups and downs. Academic studies have shown that when most people, professionals and amateurs alike, try to move money in and out of stocks to beat market fluctuations, they tend to wind up with losses." The same article shows how several technical analysts can simultaneously make contradictory predictions.

Critics of technical analysis include well known fundamental analysts. For example, Peter Lynch once commented, "Charts are great for predicting the past." Warren Buffett has said, "I realized technical analysis didn't work when I turned the charts upside down and didn't get a different answer" and "If past history was all there was to the game, the richest people would be librarians."[1]
Some academic studies say technical analysis has little predictive power, but other studies say it may produce excess returns. For example, measurable forms of technical analysis, such as non-linear prediction using neural networks, have been shown to occasionally produce statistically significant prediction results.

Efficient market hypothesis
The random walk hypothesis may be derived from the weak-form efficient markets hypothesis, which is based on the assumption that market participants take full account of any information contained in past price movements (but not necessarily other public information). In his book A Random Walk Down Wall Street, Princeton economist Burton Malkiel said that technical forecasting tools such as pattern analysis must ultimately be self-defeating: "The problem is that once such a regularity is known to market participants, people will act in such a way that prevents it from happening in the future."

Random walk hypothesis
Globally, the industry is represented by The International Federation of Technical Analysts (IFTA). In the United States the industry is represented by two national organizations: the Market Technicians Association (MTA), and the American Association of Professional Technical Analysts (AAPTA). In Canada the industry is represented by the Canadian Society of Technical Analysts.

Technical analysis Industry
Many traders say that trading in the direction of the trend is the most effective means to be profitable in financial or commodities markets. John W. Henry, Larry Hite, Ed Seykota, Richard Dennis, William Eckhardt, Victor Sperandeo, Michael Marcus and Paul Tudor Jones (some of the so-called Market Wizards in the popular book of the same name by Jack D. Schwager) have each amassed massive fortunes via the use of technical analysis and its concepts. George Lane, a technical analyst, coined one of the most popular phrases on Wall Street, "The trend is your friend!"
Many non-arbitrage algorithmic trading systems rely on the idea of trend-following, as do many hedge funds. A relatively recent trend, both in research and industrial practice, has been the development of increasingly sophisticated automated trading strategies. These often rely on underlying technical analysis principles (see algorithmic trading article for an overview).

Use of technical analysis

Systematic trading and technical analysis
Since the early 90's when the first practically usable types emerged, artificial neural networks (ANNs) have rapidly grown in popularity. They are artificial intelligence adaptive software systems that have been inspired by how biological neural networks work. Their use comes in because they can learn to detect complex patterns in data. In mathematical terms, they are universal non-linear function approximators
While the advanced mathematical nature of such adaptive systems have kept neural networks for financial analysis mostly within academic research circles, in recent years more user friendly neural network software has made the technology more accessible to traders.

Neural networks
Rule-based trading is an approach to make one's trading plans by strict and clear-cut rules. Unlike some other technical methods or most fundamental analysis, it defines a set of rules that determines all trades, leaving minimal discretion.
For instance, a trader might make a set of rules stating that he will take a long position whenever the price of a particular instrument closes above its 50-day moving average, and shorting it whenever it drops below.

Rule-based trading
John Murphy in his book "Technical Analysis of the Financial Markets", says that the principal sources of information available to technicians are price, volume and open interest. Other data, such as indicators and sentiment analysis are considered secondary.
However, many technical analysts reach outside pure technical analysis, combining other market forecast methods with their technical work. One such approach, known as Fusion Analysis [[2]] overlays fundamental with technical analysis, in an attempt to improve portfolio manager performance. Another advocate for this approach is John Bollinger, who coined the term Rational Analysis as the intersection of technical analysis and fundamental analysis[[3]].
Technical analysis is also often combined with quantitative analysis and economics.For example, neural networks may be used to help identify intermarket relationships [[4]]. A few market forecasters combine financial astrology with technical analysis. Chris Carolan's article "Autumn Panics and Calendar Phenomenon," which won the Market Technicians Association Dow Award for best technical analysis paper in 1998, demonstrates how technical analysis and lunar cycles can be combined [[5]].
Investor and newsletter polls, and magazine cover sentiment indicators, are also used by technical and market analysts. [[6]]

Combining Technical Analysis with other Market Forecast Methods
Widely-known technical analysis concepts include:

Accumulation/distribution index—based on the close within the day's range
Average true range - averaged daily trading range
Bollinger bands - a range of price volatility
Breakout - when a price passes through and stays above an area of support or resistance
Commodity Channel Index - identifies cyclical trends
Elliott wave principle and the golden ratio to calculate successive price movements and retracements
Hikkake Pattern - pattern for identifying reversals and continuations
MACD - moving average convergence/divergence
Momentum - the rate of price change
Money Flow - the amount of stock traded on days the price went up
Moving average - lags behind the price action
On-balance volume - the momentum of buying and selling stocks
PAC charts - two-dimensional method for charting volume by price level
Parabolic SAR - Wilder's trailing stop based on prices tending to stay within a parabolic curve during a strong trend
Pivot point - derived by calculating the numerical average of a particular currency's or stock's high, low and closing prices
Point and figure charts - charts based on price without time
Profitability - measure to compare performances of different trading systems or different investments within one system
Relative Strength Index (RSI) - oscillator showing price strength
Resistance - an area that brings on increased selling
Rahul Mohindar Oscillator - a trend indentifying indicator
Stochastic oscillator, close position within recent trading range
Support - an area that brings on increased buying
Trend line - a sloping line of support or resistance
Trix - an oscillator showing the slope of a triple-smoothed exponential moving average, developed in the 1980s by Jack Hutson Charting terms and indicators

Ichimoku Charts, Nicole Elliott, Harriman House, 2007, ISBN 9781897597842
Getting Started in Technical Analysis, Jack D. Schwager, Wiley, 1999, ISBN 0-471-29542-6
New Concepts in Technical Trading Systems, J. Welles Wilder, Trend Research, 1978, ISBN 0-89459-027-8
Reminiscences of a Stock Operator, Edwin Lefèvre, John Wiley & Sons Inc, 1994, ISBN 0-471-05970-6
Street Smarts, Connors/Raschke, 1995, ISBN 0-9650461-0-9
Technical Analysis: The Complete Resource for Financial Market Technicians, Kirkpatrick/Dahlquist, 2007, ISBN 0-1315311-3-1
Technical Analysis of Futures Markets, John J. Murphy, New York Institute of Finance, 1986, ISBN 0-13-898008-X
Technical Analysis of Stock Trends, 8th Edition (Hardcover), Robert D. Edwards, John Magee, W. H. C. Bassetti (Editor), American Management Association, 2001, ISBN 0-8144-0680-7
Technical Analysis of the Financial Markets, John J. Murphy, New York Institute of Finance, 1999, ISBN 0-7352-0066-1
The Free E-Book of Technical Analysis, Wallstreetcourier, [7]
The Profit Magic of Stock Transaction Timing, J.M. Hurst, Prentice-Hall, 1972, ISBN 0-13-726018-0 Notes

Algorithmic trading
Box spread
Business cycle
Forex simulator
Grand supercycle
Market analysis
Market timing
Quantitative Analyst
Technical analysis software
Trader (finance)

Thursday, October 25, 2007

Forestport, New York History
According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 204.5 km² (79.0 mi²). 199.9 km² (77.2 mi²) of it is land and 4.6 km² (1.8 mi²) of it (2.25%) is water.
The east town line is the border of Herkimer County, and The north town line is the border of Lewis County. The Black River and Kayuta Lake define the west town line.

As of the census of 2000, there were 1,692 people, 736 households, and 479 families residing in the town. The population density was 8.5/km² (21.9/mi²). There were 2,027 housing units at an average density of 10.1/km² (26.3/mi²). The racial makeup of the town was 98.52% White, 0.35% African American, 0.30% Native American, 0.18% Asian, 0.06% from other races, and 0.59% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.06% of the population.
There were 736 households out of which 25.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 53.9% were married couples living together, 7.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and 34.8% were non-families. 30.7% of all households were made up of individuals and 12.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.30 and the average family size was 2.84.
In the town the population was spread out with 22.5% under the age of 18, 4.6% from 18 to 24, 25.2% from 25 to 44, 30.2% from 45 to 64, and 17.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 43 years. For every 100 females there were 103.4 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 103.7 males.
The median income for a household in the town was $34,455, and the median income for a family was $39,352. Males had a median income of $30,119 versus $25,060 for females. The per capita income for the town was $18,494. About 7.1% of families and 8.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 11.4% of those under age 18 and 9.8% of those age 65 or over.

Communities and Locations in Forestport

Forestport Tower